An Epistle to the Canadians
Whitney, Robert 2001 State and Revolution in Cuba: Mass Mobilization and Political Change, 1920-1940. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London ISBN-10 0807826111 ISBN-13: 978-0807826119
Professor Robert Whitney presents himself as a devout marxist, and flagellator of heretics and non-believers. In his review (Journal of Latin American Studies (2001), 33: 887-888) of: Charles D. Ameringer, 2000 The Cuban Democratic Experience: The Auténtico Years, 1944-1952, (University Press of Florida) he takes to question the obvious "Cubans were better off under Grau and Prio than under Castro."
In this book Whitney, first credits his minders in Havana (especially on page ix of his Acknowledgment section) and those who share his faith abroad. This book is more remarkable for what is omitted than for what is expressed.
For instance on page 9 (page numbers from hardback edition) he gives the strangely revealing statement: "Soon gangsterism, violence and corruption were far more effective political tools than the high minded statutes of the constitution." Here the future emergence of Fidel Castro a gangster is avoided because this book only covers up to 1940.
On page 19 the author assigns the civil wing of the Mambi freedom fighters to the conservatives, forgetting such as the role in August 1897 of Mario García Menocal, as well as my grandfather Calixto (Garcia Iñiguez Enamorado) and my granduncle Carlos Garcia Velez in the successful siege of Tunas. One notes, not withstanding the above, that granduncle Carlos is mention on page 31, but then "Tio Carlos" was dumb enough to allow collaboration with communists in the Veteranos and Patriotas affair (see page 37).
While dictator Machado is blamed for murders of anarchists (e.g. p. 53) similar murders of anarchists by communists is not noted. The conservatives of the 1931 Rio Verde landing against Gerardo Machado are heavily criticized (pp. 71-72), without comparison to the far less militarily significant actions of Guiteras mentioned later. In a similar fashion anti-Machado and anti-Batista leader Blas Hernandez is dismissed as a local caudillo (p. 99).
On page 73 communist policies in Cuba are attributed to U.S. communist party and the New York based Caribbean Bureau. Discussion of the role of Moscow directed Fabio Grobart, founder of the Cuban Stalinist communist party, and mastermind of their successful take over from about 1924 into the 1960 is not cited in Index and notice of his presence is limited to a note hidden in a reference (p. 209, note 43); apparently such would diminish the Castro's role in this takeover. However, apparently contradicting the above discussion this master role of Moscow in Cuban politics is mentioned on page 76.
Raul Roa Garcia against all odds (a very senior member of Castro's Foreign Ministry from 1959 into the middle 1970s) is merely described as a non-communist leftist on page 77; apparently the author only considers overt communists as communists, covert communists are seemingly excluded.
Numbers of overt Communist in 1933 (page 95) are probably inflated and no mention is made of the purging and decay of that organization in subsequent years. And of course the communist last minute alliance with Machado is not mentioned, nor is the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact brought up. Unavoidably the communist ties to Fulgencio Batista are noted (e.g. p. 167, 169)...etc..etc...
In conclusion, this book is whitewash of communist activity in Cuba, with denigration of democratic groups... Its internal inconsistencies have become merely arcane mysteries of the author's marxist faith.
Larry Daley
8-11-07
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